Police Racism - Stop Black Deaths In Custody! : Melbourne Indymedia

Australian Racism - A Case Study - Palm Island 2004 - 2006

For those interested in the manner in which institutionalised racism functions in the Australian context, one need look no further than the case of the death of an Aboriginal man on Palm Island, the historically notorious QLD Government 'punishment camp' under the old QLD .'apartheid system'.

The death of Mulrunji Doomadgee at the hands of a QLD Police officer led to a riot and a subsequent 'comedy of errors' as the Beattie Labor Government struggled to contain the political damage at the same time as maintaining an apologetic approach to the powerful QLD Police union.

The unmentioned 'elephant in the room' was the long entrenched culture of racism that permeates QLD society and politics.

It is in that context you might read this index of the history of the recent events on Palm Island, as seen through the prism of the sometimes questionable newspaper coverage by Australian media.

This chronological index nevertheless provides an interesting history of how this issue became a major crisis largely through the political ineptitude displayed by the Beattie Government over a protracted period between 2004 and 2006.

The saga continues to unfold and future episodes will be incorporated into this index

http://www.kooriweb.org/foley/news/2006/palm/palmindex.html

Coroners Findings:

”I reject Senior Sergeant Hurley’s account that he then simply got up from the heavy fall through the doorway and went to assist the man who had just punched him and caused him to fall over. I find that he did respond with physical force against Mulrunji while Murunji was still on the floor.

I accept Roy Bramwell’s evidence to the extent that he saw Senior Sergeant Hurley leaning over Mulrunji with his elbow going up and down three times. In particular I note that Roy Bramwell’s account to the police recorded on the re-enactment video occurred prior to the release of the autopsy information, whereas Senior Sergeant Hurley’s changed recollection and reconstruction of where he had fallen, occurred after he knew exactly what injury had caused Mulrunji’s death.

Senior Sergeant Hurley’s evidence was that he considered Mulrunji was still causing him a problem by not getting up. He was asked to respond to what Roy Bramwell had told police. Senior Sergeant Hurley explained that he was lifting Mulrunji and, as he did so, the shirt was ripping. There is evidence that indeed the shirt was ripped, but I am not satisfied with Senior Sergeant Hurley’s account of how this occurred. Critically, there is what Roy Bramwell alleges he heard Senior Sergeant Hurley say- “Do you want more, Mr Doomadgee. Do you want more?” I accept that Senior Sergeant Hurley did say this.

I am satisfied that on the basis of Roy Bramwell’s account of what he saw and heard, together with the immediately preceding sequence of events, that Senior Sergeant Hurley lost his temper and hit Mulrunji after falling to the floor.

I find that Senior Sergeant Hurley’s repeated clear statements that he fell to the left hand side of Mulrunji are in fact what occurred.

I find that Senior Sergeant Hurley hit Mulrunji whilst he was on the floor a number of times in a direct response to himself having been hit in the jaw and then falling to the floor.

I do not necessarily conclude that this force was to Mulrunji’s head as stated by Mr Bramwell. He could not have been in a position to see Mulrunji’s head from where he was seated. Mulrunji’s feet and part of his legs was all he could see. It is open on Bramwell’s evidence that the force was applied to Mulrunji’s body rather then his head. This is also consistent with the medical evidence of the injuries that caused Mulrunji’s death. It is also most likely that it was at this time that Mulrunji suffered the injury to his right eye.

After this occurred, I find there was no further resistance or indeed any speech or response from Mulrunji. I conclude that these actions of Senior Sergeant Hurley caused the fatal injuries.

Sergeant Leafe returned from opening the cells and Mulrunji was dragged away and deposited in cell number two. Patrick Bramwell was then similarly brought in and dragged to the cells.

There was no attempt whatsoever to check on Mulrunji’s state of health after the fall and its sequelae. The so called checks on the two intoxicated prisoners in the cells was woeful, even excluding the possibility of serious injury having occurred. Neither officer remained in the cell for more than seconds on each occasion they entered to check the prisoner. It was not until Sergeant Leafe suspected that Murunji might in fact be dead, that any close scrutiny was made. No attempt at resuscitation was made by any police officer even when there was a degree of uncertainty about whether Mulrunji had died. “

http://www.justice.qld.gov.au/courts/coroner/findings/mulrunji270906.doc

Hurley 6747
By Stephen Hagan - posted Friday, 9 March 2007

Why has this particular case caused so much anxiety to the all conquering and powerful police unions across the nation? Perhaps it has something to do with the history and culture of policing in this country and their perfect record of no convictions recorded against a single police officer for a death in custody of an Indigenous Australian.

To fully understand this observation I provide a journey back in time to illustrate a brutal start to our peoples contact with non-Indigenous law enforcement agencies and the judicial system.

http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=5586

Issue 127, April 19, 2007: Several Palm Islanders have been acquitted of charges related to the burning down of the local watch house. But at least one Palm Islander - Lex Wotton - awaits his day in court. CHRIS GRAHAM argues that the torching of the police station, rather than a crime, was a sensible, necessary retaliation.

We're a nation of people who instinctively say that violence is never the answer. But it was the answer in Iraq and Afghanistan. So why was it not the answer on Palm Island after an Aboriginal man was beaten and left to die in a police cell?

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the police watch house, the community already knew that a healthy, happy man - Mulrunji Doomadgee - had died a brutal, callous death less than an hour after being taken into police custody.

He had allegedly been struck so hard by Senior Sergeant Chris Hurley - a mountain of a man, at six foot seven inches tall with a frame to match - that his liver had been "cleaved in two".

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the police watch house, Mulrunji had lay dying on the floor of his cell while Snr Sgt Hurley allegedly ignored closed circuit video footage of him "writhing in pain" and crying out for help. Cries, mind you, which were loud enough to be heard outside the police station, but which were ignored by police inside.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the police watch house, Queensland police had already appointed local detectives to investigate local police, rather than the State Homicide Investigation Group as stipulated in the State Coroner's Guidelines concerning deaths in police custody.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the watch house, the local investigators had been picked up at the Palm Island airport by Snr Sgt Hurley. One of them was a "known friend" of Snr Sgt Hurley.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the watch house, both investigators had enjoyed dinner at Snr Sgt Hurley's home on the night of Mulrunji's death.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the watch house, Snr Sgt Hurley had allegedly already compared notes with other witnesses at the police station, a gross violation of the legal process.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the watch house, officials had already conducted an autopsy on Mulrunji's body without being warned that there were allegations of assault against police.

By the time Palm Islanders set fire to the watch house, the autopsy had been publicly released, claiming that Mulrunji suffered his injuries after a "fall".

In short, by the time Palm Islanders set fire to the police watch house, Queensland Police had well and truly begun to seriously pervert the course of justice.

Aboriginal police liaison officer Lloyd Bengaroo was with Snr Sgt Hurley when Mulrunji was arrested.

Local investigators interviewed Mr Bengaroo and wanted to know what he had seen, if anything, inside the police station, where the alleged assault by Hurley took place.

Acting State Coroner Christine Clements, in her inquiry, noted: "Bengaroo was asked whether he was watching what happened after the fall. Bengaroo said, 'No I wasn't'. Inspector Webber asked, 'What were you doing? What, how come you were standing there?' Bengaroo said, 'I can't remember. I just stood there because I was thinking, um, if I see something I might get into trouble myself or something. The family might harass me or something you know'.

To which the interviewing officer, Inspector Webber, merely responded, 'Oh, OK.'

"How these senior investigating officers could have let that response remain unexplored was as wilfully blind as Bengaroo chose to be."

The Police Ethical Standards Command quickly became involved in the case. And the errors continued.

"Even after the Ethical Standards Officers... took over the investigation, they were party to an 'off the record' discussion with Senior Sergeant Hurley and Officers Robinson and Kitching about discrepancies in time.

"But this was not documented as part of the investigation by those officers; it only came to light incidentally through Senior Sergeant Hurley's answers to the [Crime and Misconduct Commission] officer."

The investigation had already been seriously compromised by the time Queensland Police Commissioner Bob Atkinson ordered the CMC to take over, on November 24.

On November 26, a CMC investigative team travelled to Palm Island.

It was too little too late - the police station was burnt to the ground later that day.

Coroner Clements commented: "It has been abundantly clear that throughout this investigation, it was not until the Crime and Misconduct Commission assumed investigations that there was any proper support or assistance provided to Indigenous witnesses".

She also noted that it wasn't until the CMC took over that she could have confidence that the investigation "proceeded thoroughly, competently and impartially".

Apart from attempts to disrupt the investigation internally, a battle was pitched to win the public relations war.

Amid a raft of inaccurate information fed to media were claims that Mulrunji had suffered his fatal injuries prior to coming into contact with police.

It was speculation widely reported by media.

The seeds of that rumour were sown by police.

In the days before the riot, a senior Queensland police officer told the Townsville Bulletin a pathologist from Cairns was being flown in to conduct a post-mortem examination.

"We want to know why he died. We want to know if perhaps he was dying when he was arrested," he said.

That 'loop hole' was finally closed when expert witness Associate Professor Stephen Lynch told the coronial inquest that there was no "physical possibility of Mulrunji having sustained the liver injury prior to the point of being removed from the police vehicle at the back of the police station".

But the defence of the police service and the depiction of Aboriginal people in the media as violent, hysterical liars was already well under way.

On the day of the riots, Queensland Police Commissioner Bob Atkinson rejected allegations of police brutality: "I'm not pre-judging the outcome of [the investigation] but I'll be very keen to see who has made this claim and obviously monitor this case very closely as it proceeds".

Yes, Bob - you were pre-judging the outcome of the investigation.

Perhaps Commissioner Atkinson wasn't aware of the police interview with Palm Islander Roy Bramwell, which had been conducted several days earlier.

Unbeknown to Snr Sgt Hurley, while he was allegedly struggling with Mulrunji on the floor of the police station, Mr Bramwell was sitting in the watchhouse, obscured from Hurley's view.

That's where the allegations of police brutality came from, but it's entirely possible Commissioner Atkinson didn't know of them, because according to Coroner Clements neither did the forensic pathologist who conducted the first autopsy on Mulrunji's battered body - the local detectives who led the investigation left any reference to it out of the first report on the incident.

In the absence of that "crucial information", the pathologist subsequently released findings that said Mulrunji's injuries were consistent with having fallen on a flat surface.

Those findings - not surprisingly - sparked the riot.

In spite of its inaccuracy, the report was leapt on by police and politicians.

Even before calm had been restored on Palm Island, Queensland Minister for Police Judy Spence told ABC radio: "... the Coroner's report did say that the injuries that the deceased man suffered were consistent with a fall".

Commissioner Atkinson told media (even though he apparently still wasn't "prejudging" any investigation): "There was a scuffle and the police officer and the person who has died then fell to the ground on some concrete steps. And it is my understanding that the injuries sustained by the deceased person were entirely consistent with that version of events".

Aboriginal Australians must be a clumsy race of people - so many have died falling up the steps of a police station.

Commissioner Atkinson turned out to be less than prophetic on a number of fronts.

In the early days of the investigation, he also told media that his officers would "fully co-operate" with any investigation over the death.

Snr Sgt Hurley had to be directed by the Police Commissioner under powers in the Police Service Administration Act to answer questions asked by the Crime and Misconduct Commission during a December 2004 interview.

And Snr Sgt Chris Hurley finally had to be directed by the coroner to give evidence - he refused to testify voluntarily.

So when the coroner handed down her findings - replete with allegations that Snr Sgt Hurley had lied to the inquest - what did Commissioner Atkinson do?

He didn't suspend Snr Sgt Hurley.

He moved him to a desk job on the Gold Coast.

Then there's the public comments of Queensland Premier, Peter Beattie.

"I understand these recommendations from the coroner are damaging and anyone who reads them knows that," Beattie remarked, before supporting the Queensland Police decision not to suspend Snr Sgt Hurley.

Sorry Mr Beattie, but they were not damaging.

They were devastating.

They were also gut-wrenching.

If Coroner Clement's findings were converted to a Hollywood script, people would write the movie off as ridiculous.

No-one would believe, for example, that in this day and age - and after a five year Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody - that a cop under suspicion would be investigated by a mate.

No-one would believe that the cop and the police appointed to investigate him would dine together in the cop's home just eight hours after the killing.

But at least Beattie's public comments weren't as blatantly insensitive as those of the Queensland Police Union (QPU).

The QPU's initial response shortly after the riots was to issue a public appeal for "officers who lost everything they owned in the Palm Island riots".

"They literally escaped this scene with the shirts on their backs. There are two families who have lost everything they ever owned, including motor vehicles," the QPU said.

Well here's what Mulrunji Doomadgee's family lost.

Tracey Twaddle lost her life partner. Jane, Elizabeth and Valmai lost their brother. And Mulrunji's son lost his father. And then took his own life.

Since the handing down of coroner's findings, the QPU has gone from insensitive to downright offensive.

Late last year, Union head Gary Wilkinson described the coroner's findings as a "witch hunt". He subsequently retracted the remark - another example of too little too late from a Queensland police officer.

I defy anyone to read the complete report handed down by Christine Clements and come to the conclusion that it was a "witch hunt".

I also defy anyone to come to the conclusion that Peter Beattie came to - which is that the report is "damaging".

And I defy anyone to read the findings and maintain the views expressed by people like Beattie and Spence that there was "no excuse" for burning down the Palm Island police station.

Prior to the riot, media coverage of Mulrunji's death was limited mostly to Queensland media.

Outside the Sunshine State it was reported only by The Australian (as a brief on page 6) and by the ABC.

After the riot, the death of Mulrunji Doomadgee was big news.

It remains that way today solely because of the riots. And media scrutiny of the Queensland government and its police service is the best hope the Doomadgee family has of getting any modicum of justice, however late it may (or may not) come.

Not only was the torching of the Palm Island police station justified, but set against the actions of Queensland officials, it was a sensible, necessary act.

What would you do if people in power killed a member of your community and in the course of ensuing investigation, you could see the justice being perverted?

They should be required reading for every Australian.

While you read them, remember that to this day, the only people to spend any time in prison over this awful tragedy are Palm Islanders.

No-one has yet been found culpable for the death of Mulrunji Doomadgee.

The truth about this country is that White Australia is just as prone to violence as black Australia.

The last riot to make news in Australia was at Cronulla.

It was a 'white riot' that involved thousands, not hundreds.

And unlike Palm Island, it wasn't in retaliation to the death of one of our own, nor was it a protest against a compromised police investigation.

The Cronulla riot was sparked because a couple of people of 'Middle Eastern appearance' bashed a lifesaver on a beach.

Like Palm Island, property was destroyed in the Cronulla riots.

But unlike Palm Island, people were injured at Cronulla, including police.

There must be a Royal Commission not just into the death of Mulrunji Doomadgee, but into the Queensland government's handling of the events surrounding it.

Snr Sgt Hurley has finally been suspended and ultimately charged, but not before time and not before the Queensland Director of Public Prosecutions had to be over-ruled.

The police and officials whose actions, intentional or otherwise, threatened to pervert the course of justice should also be charged.

The Palm Islanders convicted over the riots should have their convictions quashed.

In reality, a Royal Commission is unlikely to restore Aboriginal confidence in the Queensland police service - obviously, we've had one before but it seems little has changed.

But in a country that routinely says violence is never the answer, and then habitually provides it as a solution, you've got to expect it's going to take a few decades and more than one attempt to convince some of those in power that they are not judge, jury and executor.

http://www.nit.com.au

Racists out-of-step with Jury Decision

The headlines on Friday, March 23, 2007 read “Four acquitted over Palm Island riot”, “Not Guilty” [The Courier Mail] and so on.

What the papers do not say is that the Queensland Government had been successful in getting longer sentences against other Palm Islanders trying to rid their island of police aggression and killing. To do that government has played on the racist fears of the public, the police union, and the judiciary

http://bushtelegraph.wordpress.com/2007/03/23/racists-out-of-step-with-jury-decision/

qld
by Not a silent beneficiary of Aboriginal Genoci Monday June 11, 2007 at 01:34 PM
uriohau@gmail.com

Rise UP
by Not a silent beneficiary of Aboriginal Genoci Monday June 11, 2007 at 01:34 PM
uriohau@gmail.com

We know who the killers are,
We have watched them strut before us
As proud as sick Mussolinis',
We have watched them strut before us
Compassion less and arrogant,
They paraded before us,
Like angels of death
Protected by the law.

It is now an open secret
Black people do not have
Chips on their shoulders,
They just have injustice on their backs
And justice on their minds,
And now we know that the road to liberty
Is as long as the road from slavery.

The death of Stephen Lawrence
Has taught us to love each other
And never to take the tedious task
Of waiting for a bus for granted.
Watching his parents watching the cover-up
Begs the question
What are the trading standards here?
Why are we paying for a police force
That will not work for us?

The death of Stephen Lawrence
Has taught us
That we cannot let the illusion of freedom
Endow us with a false sense of security as we walk the streets,
The whole world can now watch
The academics and the super cops
Struggling to define institutionalised racism
As we continue to die in custody
As we continue emptying our pockets on the pavements,
And we continue to ask ourselves
Why is it so official
That black people are so often killed
Without killers?

We are not talking about war or revenge
We are not talking about hypothetics or possibilities,
We are talking about where we are now
We are talking about how we live now
In dis state
Under dis flag, (God Save the Queen),
And God save all those black children who want to grow up
And God save all the brothers and sisters
Who like raving,
Because the death of Stephen Lawrence
Has taught us that racism is easy when
You have friends in high places.
And friends in high places
Have no use whatsoever
When they are not your friends.

Dear Mr Condon,
Pop out of Teletubby land,
And visit reality,
Come to an honest place
And get some advice from your neighbours,
Be enlightened by our community,
Neglect your well-paid ignorance
Because
We know who the killers are.

A Culture of Denial, The 1990 Trust Report into the Racist murder of Stephen Lawrence.
Authors: Karen Chouhan BA (Hons), Msc. Lee Jasper BA (Hons)
pp 223

http://www.blink.org.uk/slinquiry/cod_ex_sum.pdf

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_Lawrence

http://www.benjaminzephaniah.com/politico.html#mikey

Boycott the Birmingham!

Upcoming Shows @ The Birmy
@ndy June 10th, 2007

Boycott the Birmingham!

On Friday June 22, Sydney-based hardcore/punk label Snapshot Records is organising a gig by some of its bands. They are:

Crosscheck
Flame the Fire
No Love Lost
Speartackle
Tenth Dan
Violent Abuse

On Friday July 6, CMYK Love, Hey, That’s My Bike and The Dank are performing.

In addition to releasing albums, Snapshot Records also sells music by the sea shore, including, notably, neo-Nazi muzak, by the likes of Blood Red Eagle (AUS), Bound For Glory (UK not US), Fortress (AUS), Legion of St. George* (UK), Retaliator (UK), Skrewdriver (UK) and the incomparable Southern Storm (’Niggers, Jews and Communists / Look out scum, you’re on our list!”). This renders Snapshot, along with Melbourne-based Deadset Music and Sydney-based Scythian Services, among the most prominent of RAC online distros Down Under.

Deadshit Muzak stocks an even larger range of fascist / neo-Nazi / RAC and white power music, including but not limited to Antagon, Battle Scarred, Condemned 84, Combat 84, Crashed Out, D.A., Get Out, The Gits, Hateful, Kampfzone, Knockdown, Marching On, Retaliator, Tattooed Motherfuckers and Unit Lost.

Well, that’s Sydney hardcore for you. What’s especially odd about Jay’s flogging fascist shit, however, is Snapshot’s claimed affiliation to Class War(!). And while I kinda doubt Darren has experienced a radical shift in his politics, the London-based group makes its opinion regarding Blood & Honour and other such filth very clear, I think, by including the image below on their site. And a picture is worth a thousand words. Or in this case, just eight: ‘Someone forgot, I’m one of the ‘master-race’.

*The original Legion of St. George, later known as the British Free Corps (Britisches Freikorps), was formed by the German SS from several dozen British POW volunteers in 1943, and was as successful as it was appealing, disbanding not long after. The inspiration for the unit came from an upper class twit called John Amery, who was hanged for treason after the war ended. Oddly enough, the only British officer to have joined the Corps, Douglas Berneville-Claye, pissed off to Australia at its conclusion, joining hundreds of other former Nazis in Pig Iron Bob’s safe-haven in the Pacific. Speaking of which, one of the accused, Perth resident Charles Zentai, 84, who allegedly tortured and murdered a Jewish teenager in Budapest, is one step closer to Hungary after having had his appeal against an extradition order dismissed in court on May 29 (‘Alleged Hungarian war criminal moving closer to extradition from Australia’, The Associated Press, International Herald Tribune, May 30, 2007). And while many Nazis were warmly welcomed to this Great Southern Land, many anti-fascists were not so fortunate. Among them was the Italian anarchist Francesco Fantin (1901–1942). He was assassinated by Fascists inside Loveday prison camp in South Australia on November 16, 1942.

…Too late is understood all the evil which fascism, squadrists of a hundred armed men against one, was doing, that immense decimation within that native land, step-mother who denies bread and liberty to her children.

That decimation which they have continued in the country-sides of other people who were friends.

How many huge herds of corpses today are stretched under the light shelter of the red earth.

And what if all these dead were no more than a first installment of the universal destruction, they go on to kill and be killed.

I ask myself! What is the bottom of the wicked nature of these dictators?

Patched and bastard stuff, unstable and, passing leaves, ill-come abortions who lie down in evil as a suckling child involved in his urine, as a drunkard falling senseless in his own vomit, as one ulcerous lying in his pus.

When one says fascism one says horror, its crimes are known. Its infamies do not allow of attenuation. It is a tyranny which tries not without success in many parts of the world — to annul the civilised conquests which were attained during centuries of struggles and of progress in order to push back the human race into a state of shameful barbarism…

~ Francesco Fantin, Pensieri a Ricordi, Loveday Camp, Barmera, 1942.

Deaths in custody will only be reduced through a reduction of the exposure to the risk.

This can be most readily achieved through a reduction in the number of people being incarcerated. The logic of this statement follows the contention that if fewer people are imprisoned, fewer will be exposed to the risk of being killed by other inmates or committing suicide.

The best way of reducing the number of people being imprisoned, while not unduly impacting on the wellbeing of the law abiding majority, is for those disposed to commit crimes, and thus expose themselves to the risk of imprisonment, to not commit crime.

No crime committed. No arrest. No court case. No custodial sentence. No deaths in custody.

It's called taking responsibility for one's actions. But it's anethema to the blame industry whose only answers are to blame everyone but those who commit the original crimes for which the deceased is imprisoned.

Blame the racist property owner who deigns to enjoy the fruits of their labour.

Blame the racist cop who enforces the laws protecting people's personal safety and personal property.

Blame the racist courts for ignoring centuries of 'culture' (which, incidentally did not endorse theft or damage) by imprisoning the guilty.

But for Christ's sake, don't blame the thief. Or vandal. Or assailant.

It's everyone's fault but their's.

Enough bullshit about the inevitability of indiginous people committing crime. They are NOT incapable of making choices, regardless of what the paternalistic racists claim. They are human beings, not animals. And as such, they are entitled to the dignity and respect to which we are all entitled. And to be held accountable for our actions like we are all held accountable.

Thankyou for your time.

What Cran seems to miss is that if you are drunk and black you are more likely to end up in custody than if you are white and drunk.

The proof is a little hard to present because coppers are a closed shop and research by PhD's tends to be about the types of coffee beans best suited to latte or the best lubricrants for crawling up corporate arse.

Cran wouldn't know that though. He's been firmly jammed up privileged white corporate arse since birth and the real world is all a bit of a mystery to him.

17 February 2004

The death of Thomas ("TJ") Hickey in Sydney last Sunday morning has deeply implicated the New South Wales police, who, either directly or indirectly, played a critical role in the events leading up to the fatal bicycle crash.

The police force has a long established track record of racist and provocative behaviour against the Aboriginal community. Unsurprisingly, Aboriginal residents in the inner-city suburb of Redfern reacted with anger and hostility to police denials of any responsibility for Hickey's death.

While the exact circumstances of the tragedy remain unclear, the premature death of Hickey, who was just 17 years old and the eldest of seven children, demonstrates with perfect clarity the terrible social and economic deprivation affecting an entire generation of Aboriginal youth.

What is presently known is that on Saturday morning, at approximately 11 a.m., Thomas rode his BMX bicycle from his aunt Virginia’s home, where he was living, to visit his mother, who had arrived in Sydney on Friday from Walgett, a small town in rural New South Wales.

After seeing his mother, Thomas encountered the police. He then cycled away at high speed. A short time later the boy came off his bicycle at the rear of the high-rise Turanga public housing commission tower. Thomas was impaled through the chest and neck after somehow landing on his back on a blunt metal fence.

The police have denied ever chasing Thomas, although they admit seeing him shortly before the fatal crash. In a press conference held on Sunday, Inspector Bob Emery claimed that Thomas “saw the police and [the] police saw him, but because he wasn’t a person of interest to them they continued on their patrols.”

The police, who claim that they were looking for another Aboriginal youth not fitting Thomas’s description, say that they found the terribly injured Thomas after a member of the public flagged down a passing police car. After being taken to Sydney Children’s Hospital, Thomas’s internal injuries were too severe for doctors to save him, and he died at 1 a.m. Sunday morning. The police described his death as a tragic but freak accident.

At least three witnesses have reportedly come forward to dispute the police version of events. These witnesses claim to have seen the police chasing Thomas Hickey immediately prior to his fall on the fence.

Irrespective of the actual actions of the police, what seems to be beyond dispute is that before his death Thomas was convinced that the cops were chasing him. The youth had an apprehended violence order (AVO) issued against him, and was also wanted on a separate assault charge. Even apart from these circumstances, however, it must be emphasised that for Aboriginal youth in Redfern, attempting to evade the police whenever they are seen approaching is an entirely rational thing to do.

In an environment of extreme poverty and social deprivation, every Aboriginal youth in Redfern has grown up experiencing police harassment and provocation. The Aboriginal community living in what is known as “The Block”, where Sunday’s riot occurred, has witnessed repeated violent police raids, as well as daily incidents of racism and intimidation. As a consequence, Aboriginal residents avoid contact with the police whenever possible.

As Thomas’s aunt put it, “If you’re black and you see a police car you just run.” This reaction would have been instinctive for Thomas Hickey, especially given that, according to his family, police assaulted the boy only last December, after being picked up for a crime he did not commit.

There are conflicting accounts not only of the events leading up to Thomas’s death, but also concerning what happened immediately after. The boy’s mother, Gail Hickey, as well as Redfern community leader Lyall Munro, have claimed that witnesses saw the police search through the youth’s pockets and call for police backup before they called an ambulance to the scene.

No one should have any confidence that the three inquiries called by NSW Premier Bob Carr will establish a true account of police involvement in Thomas Hickey’s death. Carr has already given his backing to the police for their inflammatory tactics in Sunday night’s riot, and declared in advance of any investigation that the police retain his full confidence.

Thomas Hickey’s Life

What is known about Thomas’s life provides some insight into the consequences of the terrible deprivations inflicted upon the Aboriginal people, who form the most oppressed section of the Australian working class.

Hickey was born in “The Block”, Redfern, but moved to Walgett with his parents when he was 13 years old. The death of his grandmother, Elizabeth Hickey, affected him deeply, and he soon began to experience trouble with local police. Thomas also developed problems at school, as he struggled with reading and writing.

Different media accounts report Thomas as being involved in different kinds of petty crime, possibly including car theft and bag snatching. Whilst still in Walgett, he reportedly spent some time in juvenile detention, and in a separate incident, had an AVO issued after an assault allegation.

Thomas moved to Sydney last December, staying with his aunt, Virginia Hickey, in the inner-city suburb of Waterloo, adjacent to Redfern. In Sydney, Thomas’s impoverished environment led him to continue to engage in occasional petty crimes. But as his uncle, Michael West, told the media, “He wasn’t a career thief. He was only stealing for a feed.”

Despite his extremely difficult environment, Thomas, with the help of his family, was beginning to turn away from petty crime and planned to return to school to complete his education. Michael West noted that Thomas “just wanted to finish his education and to go to tech. He knew he was turning 18 and he didn’t want to end up in the ‘big house’—the jailhouse.”

His mother had travelled to Sydney from Walgett for the purpose of resolving his outstanding AVO, through a mediation arrangement. The day before Thomas came off his bicycle, his aunt Virginia had also arranged an appointment with a local youth guidance group to assist his return to school.

After his death, friends and family spoke highly of the deceased youth. His mother, Gail Hickey told the media, “He’s a happy-go-lucky boy. Loved playing football, looked after his sisters. He was a friendly boy.” These sentiments were repeated by a number of Thomas’s friends in Redfern who spoke to the World Socialist Web Site. Many recalled Thomas’s passion for rugby league, explaining that he was a keen supporter of the Parramatta Eels club.

The frustrated life and premature death of Thomas Hickey stands as a damning indictment of successive state and federal governments, who have been both unwilling and unable to provide any solution to the terrible social conditions facing Aboriginal people in Sydney and across Australia.

See Also:
Australia: Riots in Sydney as police blamed for death of 17-year-old Aboriginal boy
[17 February 2004]
West Australian government exploits boy's death to attack Aboriginal community
[15 September 2003]
Australia: Anti-welfare agenda behind moves to oust Aboriginal leaders
[4 August 2003]
Australia: “Anti-social conduct” outlawed in the Northern Territory
[2 August 2001]

You are right.

If you are black and drunk, you are more likely to end up in custody than a drunk white person is.

The last thing the police want or need is a cell full of drunks. Drunk prisoners present as the highest risk to deaths in custody and require a labour intensive effort to properly manage.

In metropolitan Melbourne, for example, a person is arrested for drunkenness as a last resort. If they are arrested and conveyed to an awaiting van and a sober friend of the arrested person offers to take responsibility for the drunk, the police will invariably oblige - providing there are no other offences involved.

With drunken blacks in places like North Queensland and the Northern Territory (and some places in Western Australia) the difficulty of finding a sober relative or friend in whose custody the drunk person can be placed is often problematic.

A sad truth due to a whole range of complex reasons. But the sad truth nonetheless.

So, yes. Black drunks are more likely than drunk whites to end up in jail. But not for lack of trying by the cops.

You reckon they WANT to handle drunks - black or white?

Search their pockets?

Take their belts and shoe laces?

Smell their stinking breath? Clean up their vomit?

Then be held accountable for their well being for the duration of their custodial detention?

Wake up to yourself, tool. You know nothing but what you read in sociology books and share with your friends over a latte and joint.

Prejudiced, ill-informed tool.

Thankyou for your time.