Fighting Racism & Fascism : Melbourne Indymedia

http://www.wsm.ie/story/829

Fighting Racism

1. Racism is the discrimination against a group of people on the basis of characteristics which are either truly or falsely attributed to them as a group. Racism is usually subscribed to by people who have a belief in their 'superiority' over the group which they are racist against. Racism can be based on many perceived differences such as skin colour, nationality, languages, beliefs, cultures and customs.

As Anarchists we believe that people are not inherently racist just as people are not inherently sexist. Racism is a product of Capitalism which seeks to maintain the status-quo by dividing the working class and dissipate the chances of a united class based struggle. Racism has risen as part and parcel of capitalist society we live in and can only be completely eradicated by the destruction of the current society to be replaced by a classless pluralistic society.

2. Racial oppression is different to religious oppression in that the racially oppressed person cannot change their colour but the religiously oppressed can disguise and change their beliefs.

Religion is about the ideas in a person's head, not about any physical or other unalterable characteristic. It is wrong to attack or belittle a person's colour or nationality. It is wrong to discriminate against them for this reason or because of beliefs they may hold. However it is not wrong to attack or seek to change a person's political or religious beliefs.

3. We believe that in society today people are racially oppressed. We therefore believe that the fight against racism is an integral part in our fight towards a classless society. We believe in fighting racism wherever we see it rear it's ugly head. By breaking down any racial barriers we see it as a progressive step towards unifying the working class and strengthening it so that it will see the real source of oppression is the ruling class.

4. Racism has developed alongside the rise of capitalism. Slavery was not born of racism but that racism is a consequence of slavery. With the need for cheap labour and production slavery became the obvious option. Racism was developed to accommodate and justify this hideous exploitation. We believe that this is the origin of racism within modern society.

5. We believe that in more recent times racisms role as a tool for dividing the working class is exemplified in the treatment of immigrant labour in their host countries. Immigrants are subjected to lower wages and the more undesirable jobs.

The native worker feels superiority to the immigrant in that he aligns himself with the ruling class and perceives that he has a higher status in society. He/She being the same colour as the capitalist who is exploiting both sets of workers. Racism gives certain (white) workers perceived benefits but these are insignificant in comparison to what can be achieved by a united workforce.

6. Racist ideas need to be constantly challenged especially in the workplace. This will be easier when many workers are having ideas challenged by the experience of class struggle but there is no linear relationship between racism and the level of class struggle. Anti-racist victories can be won at times of comparatively high struggle. Anti-racism is not a matter of waiting for the 'economic struggle' to pick up.

In times when large numbers are engaged in struggle against the bosses' rule, they are, generally more receptive to the logic of anti-racist arguments. These are fuelled by the experience of solidarity, the recognition of the need to maintain and expand it, and a growing awareness of their identity as a class rather than as a national/racial/religious/etc. group.

The capitalist weapon of 'divide and rule' will use racist ideas to weaken the strength and solidarity of Trade Unions.

We believe racist ideas, practices and rules must be eliminated in workers organisations. It is only through a united fight can any long term gains be won.

7. We recognise the right of people directly effected by racial oppression to organise autonomously. However we believe that the racism can only be defeated by the united struggle of the working class.

We see 'Black Nationalism' as having a false understanding of the source of racism. It makes no links to the role racism plays in dividing the working class.

It is because of our belief that man/woman is not inherently racist and that we place the origins of racism with the birth of capitalism. This is why we cannot agree with the 'Black Nationalist' viewpoint.

We believe that struggles should be undertaken by the movement as a whole. Only through the destruction of class society by a united working class can racism be defeated.

8. In Ireland to-day the sharpest expression of racism is that directed against Travellers. This racism is so widely accepted that it is commonly not seen as racism at all. It is sanctioned and encouraged by the state through the use of separate signing on times and places for Travellers. Travellers who fought against this racism have been criminalised and framed by the police. Even where sections of the left have campaigned in this area they commonly accepted some of the racist arguments in doing so, e.g. in combining calls for proper halting sites with ones for quotas of Travellers that would be accepted into a particular area. We will treat the struggle against anti-Traveller racism as a priority.

9. We are against all immigration controls and support the right of both political and economic refugees to settle in any country they please.

10. Racist attitudes and opinions will not be tolerated within the movement as they are oppressive and incompatible with the proud principles of an anarchist organisation.

11. As Anarchists we will fight racism where we see it, with particular emphasis on the working class as it is only through the united struggle of the working class ( black, white, pink, brown, yellow) that capitalism will be overthrown and replaced by a classless pluralistic society.

12. Fascism is not a special case of racism, it is a separate phenomena, there have been fascist groups to which racism was not central. Fascists are different because there aim is not to win any argument but rather to drive there opponents off the streets and terrorise the population. Fascism exists as a last bastion of capitalism, to be resorted to when 'normal' methods fail.

13. Therefore we apply quite different tactics towards fighting fascism. We support a policy of denying fascists any opportunity to organise, recognising that such opportunities what ever there supposed purpose, will be used to organise terror.

14. Where there is reasonable evidence that fascists are operating behind a racist organisation to build there strength or where a racist organisation is connected with physical attacks we also support a policy of denying such an organisation opportunities to organise. However if it is purely a case of advocating racist [ideas?] we do not deny the right of such people to organise although where appropriate we will organise the greatest numbers to demonstrate outside their meetings and against their ideas.

Youth Perspective

In the last fifteen to twenty years, two new phenomena have finally reached Ireland –Immigration and alongside it - Racism. This is not to say that we Irish never had our prejudices before the ‘blacks’ arrived, back then we were quite happy directing our bigotry and ignorance towards travellers, gays, Jews and Protestants.

This all changed in the early 1990s, when Ireland experienced a major economic boost, wages increased, more jobs were created… the so called Celtic Tiger had arrived. With this development, immigration figures into Ireland rose, young men and women from poor or developing economies looked to Ireland as a chance for a decent job and a better life; much as we looked to England and the U.S.A and countless other countries when in the 1840s, 1950s and 1980s we in our hundreds of thousands went all over the world looking for employment. It is ironic and sad that some people not only do not realise this, others completely ignore it and still have this uneducated view that immigrants are ‘coming over here and taking our jobs’.

Asylum Seekers and Refugees, though being some of the most vulnerable and defenceless members of our society, are more discriminated and lied about than any other. The urban myths of asylum seekers getting free houses, cars and mobile phones are still alive and well. The facts are asylum seekers in Ireland are not allowed to work, do not receive social welfare and do not receive special treatment in the health system.

It will come to no ones surprise that with the rise of racism in Ireland, anti-immigrant groups and political parties have also developed. The Immigration Control Platform (ICP), managed to field two candidates in the last General Election, one in Dublin South Central and the other in Cork South Central, each receiving 926 (2.1%) and 371 (0.7%) votes respectively. Though obviously an extremely poor result by anyone’s standard, the reality is over 1,300 people voted for an openly racist and anti-immigrant political party, a scary thought. Though the ICP is the most well known group, a number of smaller non-parliamentary organisations have come and gone over the last few years - the imaginary Celtic Legion, the one man and his dog outfit the Irish People’s Party, the Limerick based/USA backed NSRUS and the anti choice, catholic nationalist Justin Barrett and his little bunch of followers.

The latest kids on the block, The Celtic Wolves, a tiny group of neo Nazi skinheads were humiliated last June. After a year or two of stickering and having camp outs in the mountains, information gathered led a meeting of theirs to be severely disrupted, pictures taken and the four scared skinheads openly displaying neo Nazi pins and t-shirts being chased up and down O’Connell Street in Dublin.

Nevertheless, anti-fascists and anti-racists will have their work cut out for them in the years ahead as fascist groups try to capitalize on the increasing levels of immigration and the consequent growth of racism in Ireland. Racist graffiti and stickers are more visible in our cities and towns. We saw the brutal reality of racism on the streets at St. Patrick’s Cathedral during the Afghanis’ hunger strike. There is the growing and scary new threat of an extreme nationalist right-wing movement comprising Youth Defence, Ancient Order of Hibernians and disillusioned traditional catholic republicans.

Thankfully with such well organised groups as Residents Against Racism who work with immigrants and oppose state racism and Anti Fascist Action, (who ‘both physically and ideology confront fascism’ and have a strong working class perspective) the threat to Ireland of a fascist coup or experiencing the same horrible fate in the North where racist attacks on immigrants occurs almost daily, is still far from a reality.

As Adolf Hitler said himself ‘‘only one thing could have stopped our movement – if in the days when we were small and weak, our opponents had understood our aims and intentions, and smashed us with the utmost determination’’. Our duty as anarchists is to confront racist beliefs and ideas, while on the other hand, physically oppose fascist groups organising and recruiting in our schools, our workplace and in our communities. We have to learn from history.

http://www.anarchistyouth.org

Anarchist anti-fascist actions in Russia 4th of November 2006
- a preliminary report (from http://www.avtonom.org)
Date Sun, 05 Nov 2006

preliminary report -- Last year, Russian authorities decided finally to get rid of the ceremonial weight of the October revolution, scrapping the holiday of 7th of November (which had for years been called "Day of pacification and
agreement"). But as increasing amount of working days would hardly make you re-elected, a new holiday had to be added to calendar - 4th of November, "Day of unification of the nation". As part of the same reform, mayday holidays were shortened from two to one day, but holidays around New Year were increased to ten days.

What is exactly speaking celebrated 4th of November? Orthodox
Christians celebrate "Day of the icon of Kazan godmother", which according
to legend was protecting militia of Pozharskiy and Minin during fight to
expulse Polish army from Moscow in 1612. But there was no fighting in 4th of November - main battle, takeover of Kitay Gorod fortress which was then in outskirts of Moscow took place 1st of November. Confusion with the dates is a result of isconversion of dates from Yulian to Gregorian calendar - but
apparently nationalists and religious fundamentalists do not care too much
about math, as much of the mathematicians have been racially impure anyway.

And in the end, victory of Pozharskiy and Minin was worthless since next
year throne ended up to Mikhail Fedorovich Romanov, who had collaborated
with the Polish, and whose family was to loot the country for the next 300
years.

But no cause is too illogical for a nationalist to celebrate. And last
year they were pretty successfully - "March of the right" in Moscow gained
3000 participators, making it the biggest nationalist show off in Russia for
a decade.

Much has happened during the year - first open collaboration of
Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) with emerging nationalist umbrella Movement Against Illegal Immigration" (DPNI) in various social protests and during Mayday demonstration in spring of 2006, then raise of DPNI to national and international prominence after their successful agitation for pogroms in city of Kondopoga in Karelia and resulting ethnic cleansing of the city from Caucasian Migrants. This has eventually resulted KPRF distancing itself from DPNI, but meanwhile nationalists have gained new allies from Zhirinovsky's LDPR party, and first of all from Rodina (Motherland) party, a pro-Kremlin "left" set up to take over communist electorate, and in formation of which nationalists organizations played a prominent role.

Thus DPNI could build this years "Russian march" with help of
authority of a number of Duma deputies, but last years march with open
hard-line Nazi participation and events in Kondopoga had caused too much
public outrage for march to be allowed. Eventually among major cities
"Russian march" was only allowed in Irkutsk, and in most of the other cities
nationalists had to join other demonstrations or stay home.

Moscow

Moscow nationalists gained most of the previous hype, and last year
nationalists from many other regions had traveled to Moscow. Until very last
moment, DPNI was defiant, declaring that they will go for an illegal action
in case of a ban, if necessary in Moscow metro. Only in the very last moment they announced that they will join legal demonstration by "People's will" nationalist organization in Maiden Field square close to Park Kultury metro station - it remains a mystery why nationalists wanted to demonstrate in a square where a statue of religious anarchist Lev Tolstoy is located.

Although this announcement was made only one day before, anarchists of
and not of Autonomous Action had enough time to bomb square and its
surroundings with anti-fascists slogans and stencils - under statue itself
it was written "No-one is illegal", "It's no way to understand racists by
reason" and "Fascism won't trespass", stencils had texts "destroy fascism"
and "Antifa!" with some international clip art. Marching route of fascists
from metro was covered with slogans "Death to Nazism!", "Destroy fascism!", "Antifa", "Russian=Jew=Caucasian=Human being" and others.

Already more than a week before collective of the website of Autonomous Action had called for autonomous, non-centralized actions to disturb fascist plans, as it was clear that no counter actions with a reasonable anti-authoritarian political content would be allowed, but it seemed likely that Nazis would be allowed at least a meeting if not a march.

In retrospect, this was the right judgment, but not enough to have something even relatively successful organized in Moscow. Apparently many anarchists have not yet realized, that even anarchists do not need leaders, but instead they expect someone else to organize a show for them. Besides the graffiti action night before, only decentralized anarchist action was a banner drop 10:35 at square of three stations where metro station Komsomolskaya is located. This metro station was DPNI convergence point in a plan aborted a day before, but a number of Nazis were gathering in the square. Banner had a text "Death to Nazism" with a crossed swastika, and it was dropped from a railway bridge - banner was in place for 10 minutes and none of the participators of the action was arrested.

Anarchists were also splinted in the question whether to participate
some of the other Anti-fascists initiatives - these were networking around
Russian Antifascist Front (with curious initials RAF) of right-wing liberal
orientation, and Left Anti-fascist Front (LAF) which included groups from Russian indymedia collective and lesbian- bi- gay- and transsexual activist to
Trotskyites and Stalinist youth organization AKM (Vanguard of Red Youth).
RAF was only movement to have a legalized meeting, in Marsh square at Moskva river.

Positive side of KPRF flirting with fascists is that a number of communist youth organizations have developed towards more autonomous direction,
even Stalinist AKM welcomed gay and lesbian activists to their traditional annual "Anticapitalism"-demonstration in September. This disappointed traditional AKM allies the National Bolsheviks to such extent that they did not joined the final rally of "Anticapitalism 2006", and perhaps there will now be a row between AKM and nazbols for good. In another hand, AKM is still hardly any anti-authoritarian Organization, and according to preliminary reports no participators of LAF could organize anything very interesting to disturb fascist action, so yet there is few base for "let us stick together" argument of "left unity" anarchists. Eventually most of the LAF joined right-wing liberal RAF action, but it remains to be seen if anything positive may emerge from the resulting mish-mash of 1990's murderous neo-liberal reformers, Stalinist youth, well-intended "independent" anti-fascists and "left unity" anarchists. A number of hard-line Nazi groups promised to attack RAF demonstration in Marsh square but little came out of their plans.

Eventually Nazis managed to rally up to 1000 people to Maiden Field
square, this was three times less than last year, but pretty much taking
into account promises of authorities to suppress any nationalist protest
with a heavy hand. Liberal demonstration was about the same size. More than 200 people, most of them Nazis but also some anti-fascist were arrested, apparently most of the Nazis were arrested randomly before they committed any violence. Reportedly Nazi goons beat up some journalist at their meeting, but no other violence has been reported yet.

Although guess of Autonomous Action group of Moscow about course of
events was quite right, it was still hard to organize anything successful as
it is always harder to organize a counter-action than it is to organize in a
situation where you are having the initiative. Fascist plans and policies of
the authorities were just changing too quickly for us. During last few years
interest to common anarchist street actions has been falling in general in
the scene, and in Saturday morning it became clear that critical mass for
having an illegal anarchist march may not be reached .

There is no lack of people in extreme antifa actions - 15th of September it was up to 100 people storming fascist concert in club "Tochka" in Moscow, this is not only more people than in any anarchist action in Moscow during a decade (with exception of anti-G8 protest in June), but also more than any independent political youth organization besides national Bolsheviks may bring to their actions in Moscow. Last year 4th of November antifa smashed boneheads successfully in Chistie Prudy metro station, but results of militant antifa this year are unknown to us - Autonomous Action prefers to organize actions which are not so exclusive in terms of physical and psychological requirements, and which do not result us getting classified as a terrorist organization. But these days our kind of actions are less popular than extreme sports Moscow style.

St. Petersburg

This far only reports from St. Petersburg are from mainstream and
fascist sources, and they are contradicting each others to some extent,
thus there may be mistakes in the following reconstruction of the
course of events.

Although St. Petersburg mayor Matvienko had promised to suppress any
nationalist actions with a heavy hand, police did not put much effort to
stop nationalist march leaving from movie theater October to main St.
Petersburg street, Nevski prospekt. Some 200 nationalists participated to
the march, and hard-line Nazi component with "traditional Slavic" sieg heil
greetings was even more visible than in Moscow. Nazis carried picture of
pagan god Perun and shouted "All power to Slavs", "Kondopoga" and "Long live Rusi" (ancient name of Russia).

Some 40 anti-fascists attempted to block fascist march in the crossing
of Nevski prospekt and Liteiny prospekt, most of these anti-fascists were
anarchists but some authoritarian Marxists and democrats were involved.
Originally Nazis retreated, but eventually they managed to run over
anti-fascists whom they outnumbered 5 to 1, pepper gas which anti-fascists
shot to defend themselves was not enough. Police did not interfered
beginning of the fight, but then they arrested people. Nazi sites are
bragging about antifa taking heavy casualties, but this information must for
sure be taking with a big grain of salt.

Eventually OMON stopped Nazi march at Fontanki, and authorities could
force Nazis not to organize planned rally at Kazanskiy cathedral. 120
people, among whom both fascists and anti-fascists have been reported
arrested during the day, but most of them were released during evening. It
is yet unknown if charges are pressed against some anti-fascists.

Tyumen

In Tyumen of Siberia, anti-fascist action was organised by local group
of Autonomous Action in cooperation with Yekaterinburg group of Autonomous Action. Meeting took place from 11 to 12 AM in central square of Tyumen (at statue of Lenin), protest was directed against racism, Nazism and fascism. Action was legal and gained much attention from different mainstream media. 30-40 people were participating, which is pretty much for Tyumen. Besides Autonomous Action which organized action, people joined from United Antifascist Front, greens, AKM, Vpered (trotskists), Memorial and other organizations. Authoritarian Marxists behaved themselves and did not make PR for their sects. There were banners "Our fatherland is the whole humanity", "Dump Nazism", "Capital is father of fascism" and others, and plenty of black and red and black flags. Speeches were made and there was some guerilla theatre, leaflets were distributed as well. Some Nazis were seen monitoring the meeting, but eventually no-one tried to jump the participators.

http://www.avtonom.org collective

(check also russia.indymedia.org for pictures and video footage)

Three way fight
armed resistance & militant anti-fascism

Many theoretical writings focus on armed resistance against the state-capitalist system, and the need for militantly opposing state imperialism and police repression. This “Us” against “Them” position has a lot of valid points. However, this position neglects third parties that are also extremely hostile to bourgeois democracy and capitalism as they stand now, yet are no more sympathetic to our egalitarian, anti-authoritarian values: modern day fascism.

Three-Way Fight: Armed Resistance and Militant Anti-Fascism

By Rebel Jay C. Cornelius and Insurgente s.c. Rocinante 2006

Many theoretical writings focus on armed resistance against the state-capitalist system, and the need for militantly opposing state imperialism and police repression. This “Us” against “Them” position has a lot of valid points, and we would by no means criticize the imperative nature of militant resistance against the state and capitalism in particular. However, this position neglects third parties that are also extremely hostile to bourgeois democracy and capitalism as they stand now, yet are no more sympathetic to our egalitarian, anti-authoritarian values: modern day fascism.
Fascism is a term that stiffly resists concise definitions, but for the purpose of clarity, one will be attempted anyway. Fascism is a violent, reactionary mass political movement that seeks to replace the current ruling elite with its own idealized class and impose its brand of totalitarian order on the rest of the populace. This is not the single ‘golden’ definition, as fascism wears many different faces depending on where and how it arises. Hopefully this definition will provide a nominal understanding for the purposes of this essay.
Like anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist ideas, fascism in its many forms has found increasing support globally from the downtrodden and dispossessed masses left behind by neo-liberal globalization and the expansion of modern empires. From the suicide bombing ranks of Al Qaeda-type groups to the border patrolling Minutemen in the U.S., this ‘proto-’ or ‘neo-fascism’ does not always look like the traditional forms of fascism that we see in the histories of Spain or Italy in the early parts of the 20th century. It is still built on authoritarian ideologies and belief systems, often based in fear or stereotypes, but may use anti-authoritarian or “leaderless resistance” language, strategies and even tactics to achieve its goals. Modern fascism, like anti-authoritarianism, may seek to eliminate the dominant neo-liberal policies, but fascists strive to remake society in their own mythical self-image with their visions of power and ultimately domination.
It can only be expected that as global capitalism continues to dominate and alienate more people, the various forms of fascism, like anti-authoritarianism, will continue to gain ground, though not necessarily at a comparable pace. The uncertainty of global climate change and peak oil adds to this reality. A global economic or ecologic crisis will send a lot of people looking for answers, and some people will find the superficial self-serving answers they are looking for in fascism.
Thus, it is important that we keep anti-fascism within our organizing framework and let it help inform our strategies, including in the use of arms. While fascism is an enemy of the state and capitalism (as they stand today) it is inconceivable that the forces of the state will annihilate fascism for us, or defend us from fascism on any significant scale. Quite the contrary, it is likely that the state will use fascism against us (to the degree that they can) or at the least stand by while we fight it out, because the more time fascists spend fighting anti-authoritarians, the less time either spend fighting the state while using up their meager resources comparatively. When pitted against an enemy that fundamentally believes we don’t have a right to exist, an enemy that operates by and understands only force, the logic of armed defense emerges.
Armed defense against fascists is not a theoretical, abstract concept. It is a physical reality that has been implemented before (successfully and unsuccessfully) and will be again. To stick to the focus of this pamphlet, we will emphasize two modern instances of armed anti-fascism in the United States: The Greensboro massacre of anti-Klan marchers in 1979, and white militias in post-Katrina New Orleans of 2005.

On November 3, 1979, the Communist Workers Party held an anti-Klan march in Greensboro, North Carolina. At CWP rallies in the area over the previous months, they had openly carried firearms for self-defense due to many death threats and acts of violence against them, as permitted by North Carolina law. However, for this particular event, local law enforcement had stipulated that the CWP remain unarmed to receive a permit.
During the march, a caravan of Klansmen and members of the American Nazi Party drove up to the CWP march and stopped. The fascists emerged from their vehicles and pulled fire arms from the trunks and opened fire, killing five CWP members and wounding several others. Unlike previous similar events in Greensboro, local police were not present during the march or shooting, lending credence to suggestions of police collusion with the fascists in their attack of radicals. Whether there was police collusion or not, it is quite clear that the CWP’s unarmed presence at this march provided the impetus for an open fascist attack. One unarmed CWP member got to his car to retrieve his firearm and returned fire with a handgun, though ineffectively, as he failed to ward off the attack before hand or even cause casualties to the opposing side. Had the CWP maintained an effective armed presence at the march as they had at others, it is extremely unlikely that the attack would have ever occurred.

In New Orleans immediately following Hurricane Katrina, the mainstream media was having a feeding frenzy over the “lawlessness” in the city, continually showing endless clips of black people “looting” the necessities of life from stores and spinning exaggerated or fabricated tales of murder, rape, and disorder. But there was another product of the post-hurricane power vacuum, a threat the media ignored or gave very little coverage to.
White militias had formed in several neighborhoods throughout New Orleans. One of these militias was in the Algiers Point neighborhood on the West Bank of the Mississippi River. Algiers Point is a wealthy white neighborhood about ten blocks long that borders the much larger Algiers and West Bank neighborhoods which are predominantly poor and black.
The militias were comprised of white men from various socio-economic backgrounds who saw it as their right and duty to protect their private property and locally secure law and order in the absence of the state. Taken at face value, this isn’t necessarily a bad thing, but in reality it was. Their mode of “law and order” amounted to intimidation and harassment of any black person on the street alone, or in any number smaller than the patrolling militia.
Former Black Panther Party member and co-founder of Common Ground Collective Malik Rahim put it quite succinctly in an article: “There are gangs of white vigilantes near here riding around in pickup trucks, all of them armed, and any young black they see who they figure doesn't belong in their community, they shoot him. I tell them, ‘Stop! You're going to start a riot.’”*
White men with no cultural sensitivity were riding around, armed, in an old truck in largely low-income black communities, meting out justice as they saw fit. They were threatening many desperate unarmed civilians and possibly even killed people, which they later bragged about to Danish media. The actions of these militias and the white supremacist attitude of many white rescuers of the state added gasoline to the fire of the undeclared war between all who were desperate and left to their own devices.
Local elements of the state, or what little presence remained, stood by and let these events happen with no interference. Their prevailing attitudes about these traditionally marginalized communities allowed them to stand by while the militias went far beyond defending themselves or their ‘private’ property.
A small group of anarchist organizers had made a brief trip to post-Katrina New Orleans in an attempt to find a former Black Panther and provide relief. However, they soon returned to Algiers at the request of local resident and former Black Panther organizer Malik Rahim, armed and ready to support the defense of the community and their comrades from the ongoing racist attacks of the militias. They, with some residents of the neighborhood, sat on their friend’s porch and went out on informal patrols with arms to keep the threat of the white militias at bay. At one point, a brief stand-off ensued, which ended with the Algiers Point militia leaving abruptly. It is quite likely that without the presence of an organized, armed opposition to the white militia, violence against poor people of color in Algiers could have been much worse. The presence of whites and blacks working together to defend a community against the racist militias was often cited locally by residents as having helped ease the tensions in a racially and economically divided area that was devastated before Katrina ever came ashore. The militia’s power had been clearly diminished after facing armed opposition, and their power withered away as free medical clinics and aid distribution sites were developed into full operations.

Armed resistance to the state-capitalist system is an important part of our long term revolutionary strategy, and something that we must begin preparing for now. But there are also other players in the equation besides the neo-liberals and the anti-authoritarians. Fascists have made overt attacks on our communities and our allies before, and as the three sides in this fight vie for influence, we can be sure that they will again. Armed defense against fascists has been successful in the past, and it is one of the many prongs of our strategy that we should focus on. It is understandable that not everyone will want to actively participate in this particular aspect of the struggle, but like with any other aspect of the struggle, those that do not wish to take active part in preparing for armed defense should work to create space and build support for those who do. It is only through the development of all the facets of struggle, including armed defense, that we can build the world we wish to live in.

¡Siempre antifascista!

* Rahim, Malik. “’This is criminal’: Malik Rahim reports from New Orleans.” San Francisco Bay View, 1 September 2005.